Tingplik Express

The Internet Newspaper for Indigenous Peoples Affairs and Human Rights

TINGPLIK EXPRESS

Tingplik Express L'Internet journal pour les peuples autochtones et des affaires des droits de l'homme

Tingplik Express El periódico de Internet para los pueblos indígenas y de derechos humanos

Tingplik एक्सप्रेस इंटरनेट अखबारों के लिए देशी लोग कार्य और मानव अधिकार

DELIVERING TRUTH

tingplik表达 互联网报纸为土著人民事务和人权

Tingplik Express Die Internet-Zeitung für indigene Völker Angelegenheiten und Menschenrechte

Tingplik Express Το Internet εφημερίδα για τους αυτόχθονες πληθυσμούς Υποθέσεων και Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων

NSCN-IM cadres charged with assaulting civilians

Dimapur, May 30 (TEN): A number of civilians, including a mother and school staffers, were assaulted by cadres of the NSCN (IM) on May 29, in Pimla, Dimapur, the Aqahuto Sumi Totimi Hoho stated in a press statement. Following the assault, the Aqahuto Sumi Totimi Hoho has served a deadline to the NSCN (IM) “commander” to tender an apology, failing which “the ASTH will march to Hebron camp for the justification.”
According to the ASTH, on the evening of May 29 at around 7:30 pm, one Mrs. Vikali was assaulted by a group of NSCN (IM) cadres under the command of a certain Howoto. The victim was on her way to buy medicines for her daughter and in the dark, her torchlight accidentally shone upon the NSCN (IM) cadres. On this, the cadres proceeded to assault Vikali by kicking her onto the roadside. She even apologized to the cadres but this did not stop the cadres from assaulting her, the hoho stated.
Later, the group of cadres proceeded to Yehovi Memorial School, Pimla, and assaulted two teaching staffers and the headmaster of the school as well who live in the residential quarters in the vicinity. “The NSCN (IM) cadres did not stop the assault even though the headmaster and staff identified themselves and pleaded for them to stop” the hoho stated. Noting the assault, the Aqahuto Sumi Totimi Hoho (ASTH) has demanded to know what benefit was derived from assaulting the helpless mother and teachers by the armed cadres who claim to be “fighting for the motherland.”
The Aqahuto Sumi Totimi Hoho has demanded that the “commander” responsible for the assault should tender apology to the Aqahuto Sumi Totimi Hoho and Pimla STH on or before June 5 failing which, the ASTH will march to Hebron camp for “justification” the hoho stated in a note appended by its president V Sumiholi Swu and general secretary Z Khetoli Zhimomi. Stating that the action of the NSCN (IM) cadres has insulted the entire ASTH, the hoho added that if the first demand is not met, the “commander” should be handed over to the ASTH.

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NSCN-IM cadres charged with assaulting civilians

Dimapur, May 30 (TEN): A number of civilians, including a mother and school staffers, were assaulted by cadres of the NSCN (IM) on May 29, in Pimla, Dimapur, the Aqahuto Sumi Totimi Hoho stated in a press statement. Following the assault, the Aqahuto Sumi Totimi Hoho has served a deadline to the NSCN (IM) “commander” to tender an apology, failing which “the ASTH will march to Hebron camp for the justification.”
According to the ASTH, on the evening of May 29 at around 7:30 pm, one Mrs. Vikali was assaulted by a group of NSCN (IM) cadres under the command of a certain Howoto. The victim was on her way to buy medicines for her daughter and in the dark, her torchlight accidentally shone upon the NSCN (IM) cadres. On this, the cadres proceeded to assault Vikali by kicking her onto the roadside. She even apologized to the cadres but this did not stop the cadres from assaulting her, the hoho stated.
Later, the group of cadres proceeded to Yehovi Memorial School, Pimla, and assaulted two teaching staffers and the headmaster of the school as well who live in the residential quarters in the vicinity. “The NSCN (IM) cadres did not stop the assault even though the headmaster and staff identified themselves and pleaded for them to stop” the hoho stated. Noting the assault, the Aqahuto Sumi Totimi Hoho (ASTH) has demanded to know what benefit was derived from assaulting the helpless mother and teachers by the armed cadres who claim to be “fighting for the motherland.”
The Aqahuto Sumi Totimi Hoho has demanded that the “commander” responsible for the assault should tender apology to the Aqahuto Sumi Totimi Hoho and Pimla STH on or before June 5 failing which, the ASTH will march to Hebron camp for “justification” the hoho stated in a note appended by its president V Sumiholi Swu and general secretary Z Khetoli Zhimomi. Stating that the action of the NSCN (IM) cadres has insulted the entire ASTH, the hoho added that if the first demand is not met, the “commander” should be handed over to the ASTH.

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NSCN-IM cadres charged with assaulting civilians

Dimapur, May 30 (TEN): A number of civilians, including a mother and school staffers, were assaulted by cadres of the NSCN (IM) on May 29, in Pimla, Dimapur, the Aqahuto Sumi Totimi Hoho stated in a press statement. Following the assault, the Aqahuto Sumi Totimi Hoho has served a deadline to the NSCN (IM) “commander” to tender an apology, failing which “the ASTH will march to Hebron camp for the justification.”
According to the ASTH, on the evening of May 29 at around 7:30 pm, one Mrs. Vikali was assaulted by a group of NSCN (IM) cadres under the command of a certain Howoto. The victim was on her way to buy medicines for her daughter and in the dark, her torchlight accidentally shone upon the NSCN (IM) cadres. On this, the cadres proceeded to assault Vikali by kicking her onto the roadside. She even apologized to the cadres but this did not stop the cadres from assaulting her, the hoho stated.
Later, the group of cadres proceeded to Yehovi Memorial School, Pimla, and assaulted two teaching staffers and the headmaster of the school as well who live in the residential quarters in the vicinity. “The NSCN (IM) cadres did not stop the assault even though the headmaster and staff identified themselves and pleaded for them to stop” the hoho stated. Noting the assault, the Aqahuto Sumi Totimi Hoho (ASTH) has demanded to know what benefit was derived from assaulting the helpless mother and teachers by the armed cadres who claim to be “fighting for the motherland.”
The Aqahuto Sumi Totimi Hoho has demanded that the “commander” responsible for the assault should tender apology to the Aqahuto Sumi Totimi Hoho and Pimla STH on or before June 5 failing which, the ASTH will march to Hebron camp for “justification” the hoho stated in a note appended by its president V Sumiholi Swu and general secretary Z Khetoli Zhimomi. Stating that the action of the NSCN (IM) cadres has insulted the entire ASTH, the hoho added that if the first demand is not met, the “commander” should be handed over to the ASTH.

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The Essence of True Reconciliation

image (Top) Convener of Forum for Naga Reconciliation Rev. Dr. Wati Aier. (Bottom) Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio

Dimapur, May 30 (MExN): Convener of Forum for Naga Reconciliation Rev.  Dr. Wati Aier in his address to the Naga Hoho Assembly today dissected some of the burning points of contention that are in virtual contest by and between various sections of the Naga political spectrum. Rev. Dr. Wati Aier made special reference to the contentious issue of ‘reconciliation’ as well as forgiveness and “collective sin” in the Naga context. He also pointed to the tendency to ‘unknowingly’ bring harm in the process of involving in carrying out agendas, through self-justified “arrangements” or organizations.    Rev. Dr. Aier emphasized on the essence of reconciliation as motivated by truly Christian ideals. He said that reconciliation in its initial phase is not about “merging” and “emerging” identities: “It must be brought to bear in mind, in Naga context, that Christian reconciliation in its initial phase is not about merging and emerging. To be sure, it will be safe to say that while reconciliation is occurring, each organization remain in its post without being disturbed.”

The leader also made a strong call to resist the politicized version of ‘reconciliation.’ Rather ‘reconciliation’ in its essence is not subject to party or monopoly. “In the Bible, reconciliation means, ‘setting right broken relationships and restoration.’ Reconciliation is solely the work of God in the cross of Jesus Christ. No party has a monopoly on reconciliation. Nagas must resist a politicized version of reconciliation. Christian reconciliation is not about power play nor is Christian reconciliation about being sapped into something else” Rev. Dr. Aier reminded. ‘Reconciliation is not a sign of weakness rather, it is all about courage and character leading to wholeness and restoration’ he added.   He also cautioned against using reconciliation as a cover, a diversion to avoid the truth. “Reconciliation is not to be used as a cover, a way to avoid truth about ourselves and about our Naga nation and about what we have done.” The leader then pointed out the fundamental prerequisite is to change attitudes and values to impact true reconciliation. “Healing, which will last, will never happen unless those attitudes, values, and institutionalized justification that produced painful and sad and angry fallouts are acknowledged. Our affirmation must have an adequate basis for values, vision, and goals which can provide the motivation, direction and self-criticism necessary in bringing about healing” he reminded.  

“To be sure, no party has a monopoly on reconciliation. For this, space must be provided for the parties concerned, who are at conflict with one another, to review their own finitude and redefine their path into the future.  It is here that the biblical truth of reconciliation must be accepted: Because God sought us first and in response we are reconciled to Him, we in turn, without any pre-condition forgive our fellow brothers and sisters.” He noted the ease of criticizing others but not finding fault with one’s own self. This is difficult, he acknowledged, and said self-criticism remains a challenge to Naga Christianity. “To begin with, self-examination is a difficult task. We are ready to give full justification for our actions but point fingers to others as the sources of our problems we are faced with. Many well-meaning individuals, public and church leaders and national workers resist self examination and this accelerates conflicts. This is a very serious challenge to Naga Christianity” he said.

Referring to “collective sin,” Rev. Dr. Aier pointed to the tendency to ‘unknowingly’ inflict pain and injury on others, while involving in destructive social and political “arrangements.” The ideological direction and agenda carried out through organizations (or “arrangements”) would seem justified, overlooking the evil built in the system. “Often, we become involved in destructive social and political arrangements without being aware of it. We are not aware of the anger, pain and harm we inflict on others when it is done through the organizations or institutions or parties we are part of. The agendas and ideologies set up to justify and defend one’s organization has a strong grip on its constituent members thereby, clinging tenaciously to the agendas and ideologies of an organization by making it seem right and justified, while easily overlook the evil and sin built into the system.”

Referring to ‘bitterness,’ the leader also made a pointed reminder that most of man’s problems are of his own creation.” “This simple statement hits the nail squarely on the head. We are the cause of most of today’s Naga problems. Among others, one of the deep problems among the Nagas is bitterness. Bitterness refers to a spirit that refuses to be reconciled” he said. “First, we must recognize it (bitterness) for what it is – a sin. Being a Christian means, ‘getting rid of all bitterness, rage and anger, brawling and slander, along with every form of malice (Eph 4:31)’” he said.

 

Need of the hour: Work for Understanding


 

Dimapur, May 30 (MExN): Against the backdrop of the spurt in factional clashes and tension in the state, especially Dimapur, Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio today called upon the people not to undermine the Naga political issue by terming it as mere law and order problem since ‘factional clashes are political in nature’.

Rio, in his address as the chief guest at the 9th Naga Hoho General Conference at Peren district this morning, expressed deep concern over the factional clashes in the land  and said it has created difficult times for the people. While asserting that the need of the hour is for all sections of Naga society to work towards understanding and oneness, Rio however, affirmed that factional clashes are political in nature and must be handled differently, unlike law and order problems.

“This stand of the State Government had been vindicated and conformed by the Ministry of Home Affairs, government of India, while issuing the SOP guidelines in January 2008,” said Rio adding that the government of India accepts the “fact that the Indo-Naga problem is a political issue and that is why there is a ceasefire agreement and dialogue.” “Therefore, we must be careful not to undermine the Naga political issue by terming it as a mere law and order problem,” said Rio.

About the unification and reconciliation process, Rio said that the state government has always supported and will continue to support all efforts towards unification, which are broad based and inclusive,  of the underground national workers, . Asserting that there is equally a need for unity amongst the mainstream societies as well as the undergrounds, Rio appealed to the people of “eastern” Nagaland to rejoin the the Naga Hoho and the Naga Students’ Federation.

He maintained that the 9th Naga Hoho general session is of special significance since it came at a time when the Naga society is undergoing a period of difficulty and pains due to fratricidal killings within the Naga family. This  he termed as the most worrying aspect of the present Naga society. He urged the tribal hohos and the mass-based civil societies to carry forward the voice of the Naga people.

Asserting that the Naga people want the killing to stop, Rio said any person or organization that professes to represent the interest of the people should also listen to their voice. He suggested that instead of fighting here, the people should focus on the ‘Naga family in Myanmar’ so that they also get some political recognition which will pave way for their socio-economic uplift. 

 


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ICC: Congo’s Former Vice-President Arrested

International Court Should Pursue Other Top Officials in the CAR and Congo
(New York, May 30, 2008) – Following the arrest of Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo on May 24, the International Criminal Court should pursue other top officials in the Central African Republic and the Democratic Republic of Congo for atrocities committed against civilians, Human Rights Watch said today.

Bemba, the former vice-president of Congo and leader of the country’s main opposition party, the Mouvement du Libération du Congo (MLC), was arrested by Belgian authorities near Brussels on the basis of an International Criminal Court (ICC) arrest warrant. He is charged with war crimes and crimes against humanity allegedly committed by troops under his command in the city of Bangui in the neighboring Central African Republic (CAR).

The ICC warrant alleges that Bemba, as the head of the MLC, was responsible for the widespread and systematic rape, torture, outrages upon personal dignity, and pillage that his forces committed against civilians during the 2002-2003 conflict in the CAR.

“Bemba’s arrest is a welcome development, but he was not the only senior official responsible for crimes in the CAR and the DRC,” said Richard Dicker, director of Human Rights Watch’s International Justice Program. “The prosecutor should also go after others in Kinshasa, Bangui, and elsewhere who have blood on their hands.”

This is the first arrest in the ICC’s investigation in the CAR, which the prosecutor opened in May 2007. Human Rights Watch documented serious human rights violations in the northeastern and northwestern regions of CAR and urged the court to pursue the alleged perpetrators and their backers. Human Rights Watch stressed that the ICC should carefully monitor the security of witnesses and victims living in the CAR in light of threats already faced by victims’ advocates there.

Human Rights Watch has also repeatedly urged the ICC prosecutor to go up the chain of command in its investigation in Ituri, northeastern Congo, one of the bloodiest corners of Congo where more than 60,000 people have been killed since 1999. Research by Human Rights Watch indicates that senior officials in Uganda and Rwanda, as well as Congo’s capital Kinshasa, armed and supported militias operating there. Three Iturian warlords are currently in ICC custody and another is at large, but to date none of their backers have been arrested.

“The ICC’s pursuit of a former vice-president shows its willingness to target those most responsible for crimes despite their official position,” said Dicker. “Bemba’s arrest sends a strong signal that no one is above the law. We hope that the prosecutor will now seek the arrest of other high-level perpetrators.”

Bemba’s MLC troops operated primarily in northern Congo during the country’s five-year war from 1998 to 2003, where they were implicated in numerous atrocities. The ICC has not charged him with any crimes that his troops may have committed in Ituri. In November 2002, Bemba’s soldiers launched a military operation called “effacer le tableau” (“wipe the slate”) in the Mambasa territory of the Ituri district. During that operation, MLC forces committed numerous crimes against civilians, including rape, summary executions, and looting. Human Rights Watch expressed hope that the ICC prosecutor would charge Bemba with the full range of crimes that his troops allegedly committed there as well.

Bemba’s arrest on charges including widespread and systematic rape illustrates the court’s serious attention to sexual violence. Congo has been particularly ravaged by the use of rape as a weapon of war, perpetrated with almost complete impunity. Tens of thousands of women and girls have suffered sexual violence at the hands of MLC soldiers and dozens of other armed groups, including the Congolese national army. To date, only a handful of perpetrators have been held to account in Congo’s national courts, mostly lower-ranking soldiers.

Bemba’s arrest by the Belgian authorities highlights the importance of state cooperation in apprehending ICC suspects since the court does not have its own police force. There are presently seven unsealed arrest warrants that are outstanding in three of four countries that the ICC is investigating: Darfur in Sudan, Uganda, and Congo.

“This court is not just for Congolese perpetrators of crimes,” said Dicker. “The international community must ensure that it enforces the ICC arrest warrants to bring these other fugitives to justice. Belgium has set a good example, and it is time for other countries to do the same.”

Background

Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo is the fifth Congolese suspect sought by the ICC. Three of these defendants – Thomas Lubanga, Germain Katanga, and Mathieu Ngudjolo – are already in ICC custody. The fourth, Bosco Ntaganda, is still at large. Thomas Lubanga’s trial, the first trial in the ICC’s history, is expected to start next month.

Bemba was the runner-up in Congo’s presidential elections in 2006 and was a vice-president during Congo’s transitional government from 2003-2006. He was elected a senator in January 2007, but has been living in exile in Portugal since April 2007, when he left the country following a bloody street battle between his bodyguards and President Joseph Kabila’s forces. Bemba’s MLC, formerly a rebel militia, is now the largest opposition party in Congo.

In 2002, then-president of Central African Republic, Ange-Felix Patasse, invited Bemba and his MLC forces, as well as Chadian mercenaries, to help put down a coup attempt led by his former army chief of staff, François Bozizé. Following the successful coup, Bozizé became president and voluntarily referred the crimes committed during the rebellion to the ICC in December 2004.


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Burundi: Release Civilians Detained Without Charge

Stop Arbitrary Arrests, Beatings of Alleged FNL Members
(Bujumbura, May 30, 2008) – Burundian police and judicial officials should immediately release the scores of persons still detained solely as suspected members of a movement long opposed to the government, Human Rights Watch said today. They should also instruct security forces to cease such arrests.

More than 300 alleged members of the Party for the Liberation of the Hutu People-National Liberation Forces (Parti pour la Libération du Peuple Hutu-Forces Nationales pour la Libération, Palipehutu-FNL), many of them civilians, have been arrested throughout Burundi since mid-April. Police released 102 detainees on May 29, 2008, in what they called a “gesture of good faith from the government” and said that they may release others soon.

“Some people have been in detention for weeks, even though Burundian law clearly prohibits holding anyone without charge for more than seven days,” said Alison Des Forges, senior adviser to Human Rights Watch’s Africa division. “Officials should release civilian detainees, or charge them if there is evidence that they committed crimes.”

On April 17, 2008 the FNL, a military wing of the party, bombarded the capital city of Bujumbura in violation of a September 2006 ceasefire agreement. Officials immediately began rounding up FNL supporters. On May 26, the FNL and the government signed a new ceasefire, bringing combat to a halt once again.

Membership of the Palipehutu-FNL is not illegal, although recruiting combatants and disseminating FNL propaganda are violations of the ceasefire agreement. Some detainees are FNL combatants, whose release will be addressed in the course of peace talks. But a number of detained young people, including several minors, belong to the FNL’s civilian youth wing, the Patriotic Hutu Youth (Jeunesse Patriotique Hutu, JPH). Other detainees told human rights monitors that they belong to opposition political parties other than the FNL.

Dozens of detainees are crowded into irregular detention sites, including military installations and camps of the Rapid Mobile Intervention Group (Groupement Mobile d’Intervention Rapide, GMIR), a unit of the police that is not authorized to detain civilians.

While police and military spokespersons have confirmed that FNL membership alone can not be the basis for a lawful arrest, no steps are being taken to ensure that the law is being properly implemented.

Some officials have acknowledged that the continued detention of FNL members is illegal. One judicial police officer in Bujumbura told Human Rights Watch: “Many of the alleged FNL detainees have committed no crimes, [but] we can’t release them. It’s political.”

A provincial governor said that he had ordered the arrest of four civilians who had once been FNL combatants in order to “intimidate” them into not rejoining the rebels. He acknowledged, “You’re right that from the point of view of human rights, it’s not legal, but administrators are obliged to preserve order.”

Soldiers and police have beaten and otherwise mistreated many detainees. Of 17 detainees selected at random from those held at a Bujumbura jail, Human Rights Watch found that nine had been beaten (seven by police officers and two by soldiers) and one had been subject to death threats by intelligence agents.

One detainee recounted: “I was arrested by a military officer and beaten by four soldiers at a military camp. They beat me on my legs, arms, stomach and back with batons. My whole body swelled up.” One young woman, a member of the JPH arrested in Bujumbura Rurale province, spent four days at a military camp where she was beaten with the butt of a Kalashnikov on her legs, back, arms, and head before being transferred to a civilian jail. A Human Rights Watch researcher observed that her entire body was heavily bruised. Several other detainees said they had been punched and kicked by police officers, while another said he had spent five days and nights in handcuffs.

Police use irregular security forces in making some arrests. Many irregulars were once combatants from the National Council for the Defense of Democracy-Forces for the Defense of Democracy (Conseil national pour la défense de la démocratie-Forces pour la défense de la démocratie, CNDD-FDD), the former rebel group that is now the dominant political force in the Burundian government.

According to one detainee interviewed by Human Rights Watch, demobilized combatants in civilian clothing and armed with pistols aided police officers in arresting him. “They said I was FNL,” he recounted, “and put me in handcuffs. They removed their belts and beat me over the head.” One month after the arrest, the marks of a beating on his head were clearly visible to a Human Rights Watch researcher.

Another detainee arrested by demobilized combatants said he saw these same men, armed with pistols, grenades, and Kalashnikovs, regularly threaten JPH members in his neighborhood. A local official confirmed that a group of demobilized CNDD-FDD combatants works closely with the police on occasion.

According to high-ranking police officials, detainees will remain behind bars until negotiations result in an agreement on the release of political prisoners. Given the slow progress in previous ceasefire talks, that could take weeks or months. A member of the international facilitation team said there was no reason civilian FNL members could not be released immediately.

“Police and judicial officials have the duty to keep order, but they can’t do that by violating the law themselves,” said Des Forges. “Locking up persons without charge or having them arrested by civilians who have no legitimate authority is no way to enforce the law.”

Background

Following more than a decade of conflict, the Palipehutu-FNL and the Burundian government signed a ceasefire agreement in September 2006, but efforts at implementation stalled, in part because of disagreement over the release of political prisoners. In July 2007, the FNL abandoned talks and returned to the bush, protesting the alleged bias of the South African facilitator. While both sides continued to give lip service to the ceasefire agreement, it was violated a number of times in late 2007 and early 2008, particularly by the FNL. FNL combatants attacked government-protected camps housing persons claiming to be former FNL combatants who left the movement in search of peace. They killed several police officers and soldiers, apparently to capture their weapons, and also pillaged the homes of rural residents, forcing thousands to flee.

As the FNL stepped up its activities, unidentified assailants attacked people thought to have been former FNL combatants and JPH members in Bujumbura. A prominent civilian FNL supporter and his 12-year-old son were shot and killed in January 2008, as were the aunt and uncle of an alleged FNL combatant. In both cases, witnesses said assailants were demobilized combatants from the CNDD-FDD. No one has been arrested for either killing.

Several CNDD-FDD local officials and agents of the National Intelligence Service (Service National du Renseignement, SNR) were also killed in early 2008, in what local authorities interpreted as revenge killings carried out by the FNL.

According to several FNL and JPH supporters, they were so afraid of the demobilized combatants that some went into hiding while others rejoined – or joined for the first time – FNL combat units. One student and former FNL combatant said: “I made a promise to my church ... that I would give up combat, but in Bujumbura I am afraid I will be killed by the demobilized guys from the CNDD-FDD. I feel I would be more secure if I were to go back and join the FNL in the bush.”

In late March 2008, FNL leaders based in Tanzania announced they would return to Bujumbura to discuss implementing the September 2006 ceasefire if the parliament would adopt a law guaranteeing them “provisional immunity” from arrest. The government had granted similar guarantees in the past, including for members of the CNDD-FDD. The “provisional immunity” covers ordinary crimes, but not grave violations of international humanitarian law like war crimes or crimes against humanity.

The Burundian parliament has been in a political deadlock and has passed no laws in months. Unable to obtain the “provisional immunity” they sought, the FNL bombarded Bujumbura on April 17. The Burundian army successfully counterattacked and pushed the FNL back into the hills surrounding Bujumbura. After suffering heavy losses during a month of fighting, and in response to a May 5 ultimatum from Tanzania demanding that FNL leaders leave the country within 10 days, the FNL resumed negotiations on May 16 and signed a new ceasefire on May 26.

Arrests of alleged FNL members began immediately following the attacks. Although police in some provinces gradually began to free detainees whom they recognized had committed no crimes, in other provinces the arrests continued even after the FNL delegation returned to negotiations.


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Burma: End All Conditions on Aid

Poor Disaster Response Reflects Government Political Oppression
(New York, May 29, 2008) – Despite welcome and improved access to the Irrawaddy Delta area affected by Cyclone Nargis, the Burmese military government is still using red tape to obstruct some relief efforts when it should accept all aid immediately and unconditionally, Human Rights Watch said today. The government’s response to the humanitarian disaster as primarily a national security matter shows political oppression taking priority over the needs of the people.

Since the visit of United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and the international pledging conference on May 25 in Rangoon, the Burmese government has eased visa restrictions on pending visa applications of personnel from UN agencies, the US Agency for International Development and international humanitarian agencies to permit them to enter Rangoon. However, in his statement at the conference, Burmese Prime Minister Thein Sein appeared to link the admission of aid workers to the country with long-term rebuilding work only saying, “For those groups who are interested in rehabilitation and reconstruction, my government is ready to accept them, in accordance with our priorities and the extent of work that needs to be done.”

Yet the country is not at the stage for reconstruction efforts. The UN estimates that fewer than half of the people affected by the cyclone have received any form of aid because of Burmese government stonewalling. Even among those who have been “reached,” many may have only received a single aid packet, but have not necessarily received adequate food, water, shelter, and medical care.

“Helping people in need should take precedence over the priorities of the generals,” said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “By still delaying and hampering aid efforts that are stopping aid from reaching those who need it, the generals are showing that, even during a disaster, oppression rules.”

The ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) is still enforcing a 48-hour permission period for international aid workers to travel to the delta, with some exceptions. While 48 hours is a dramatic improvement on the usual pre-cyclone, four-week approval period to visit field sites, it is still wasting urgent time.

Several helicopters from the UN World Food Programme have arrived, and permission has been granted for more civilian boats to be used to deliver aid in the flooded region. But the government still refuses access to dock US, French and British naval vessels that have been sailing off the coast with aid and logistical assets for the last two weeks. The government says they will only accept civilian boats. However, the US vessel has helicopters and small vessels that could deliver aid quickly and effectively to remote locations.

“Don’t let those ships sail away while people continue to suffer needlessly because of the paranoia of the generals,” Adams said. “There’s a race against time to save lives, so the Burmese government needs to let these boats dock now and grant immediate travel to the delta.”

The SPDC’s National Disaster Preparedness Committee issued a news release on May 27 which states that individuals and groups are permitted to travel and distribute aid themselves, rather than through government agencies. However, authorities continue to interdict aid from private Burmese citizens seeking to reach cyclone-affected areas. According to press reports, on May 25 the authorities stopped 46 drivers bringing aid from Rangoon by private donors and impounded their vehicles.

An official flier in distribution in Rangoon calls on citizens to refrain handing out aid to anyone without consultation with authorities: “Donors are requested not to give away their supplies to random people. They should instead go to storm relief committees in townships, wards and villages. Doing this will help save the prestige of Myanmar people so that locals and foreigners do not look down on them.”

Bureaucratic delays and restrictions on importing of goods is also hampering efforts to bring in aid supplies, urgently needed technical materials, and supplies such as satellite phones, mobile phones and vehicles. Human Rights Watch urged the Burmese government to lift restrictions and allow import of aid supplies and technical assets without the normal red tape.

With the world’s attention distracted by the humanitarian crisis, Burma’s government continues to reject the genuine political reforms that the slow and inept cyclone response shows are needed. On May 27, only two days after the visit by Secretary-General Ban and donor governments at the pledging conference, the SPDC extended the house arrest of opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) leader Aung San Su Kyi for another year. She has spent the past 13 out of 18 years in detention. There are reports that on May 27, the authorities arrested NLD supporters protesting her prolonged detention. An estimated 1,800 other political prisoners remain in prison in Burma. The SPDC went ahead with a constitutional referendum in most parts of the country on May 10, just days after the cyclone, and then on May 24 held the referendum in remaining areas worst-affected by the cyclone. Despite obvious flaws in the process and its implementation, China and Thailand hailed the referendum as progress.

Human Rights Watch urged international donors to recognize that the slow and inadequate response to the cyclone is intrinsically connected to the government’s decades-long political oppression, including violations of the rights to free expression, association and assembly, and the right of the Burmese people to choose their own government.

“It’s not the international community that has politicized aid, but the military junta, which went ahead with a sham referendum while blocking relief and aid workers for crucial weeks,” Adams said. “Donors who fail to connect aid to political reform are missing an opportunity to prevent such a disaster from happening again.


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World’s last un-contacted tribe spotted

image (In this image made available Thursday May 29, from Survival International, showing ‘uncontacted Indians’ of the Envira, who have never before had any contact with the outside world, photographed during an overflight in May 2008)
Dimapur, May 29 (TEN): Members of one of the world’s last un-contacted tribes have been spotted and photographed from the air near the Brazil-Peru border, according to a press release from Survival International, a London-based organization that works with Indigenous peoples. The photos were taken during several flights over one of the remotest parts of the Amazon rainforest in Brazil’s Acre state.

“We did the over-flight to show their houses, to show they are there, to show they exist,” said un-contacted tribes’ expert José Carlos dos Reis Meirelles Júnior. Meirelles works for FUNAI, the Brazilian government’s Indian affairs department. “This is very important because there are some who doubt their existence.”

Meirelles says that the groups’ numbers are increasing. But other un-contacted groups in the region, whose homes have been photographed from the air, are in severe danger from illegal logging in Peru. Logging is driving un-contacted tribes over the border and could lead to conflict with the estimated five hundred un-contacted Indians already living on the Brazilian side.

“What is happening in this region [of Peru] is a monumental crime against the natural world, the tribes, the fauna and is further testimony to the complete irrationality with which we, the ‘civilized’ ones, treat the world,” said Meirelles.

There are more than one hundred un-contacted tribes worldwide, with more than half living in either Brazil or Peru. All are in grave danger of being forced off their land, killed and decimated by new diseases. Survival has launched an urgent campaign to get their land protected, and a unique film narrated by actress Julie Christie.

Survival’s director Stephen Corry said today, “These pictures are further evidence that un-contacted tribes really do exist. The world needs to wake up to this, and ensure that their territory is protected in accordance with international law. Otherwise, they will soon be made extinct.”



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BOLIVIA: Local Indigenous Leaders Beaten and Publicly Humiliated

LA PAZ, May 27 (TEN):Bolivia may have its first-ever indigenous president, but racism is alive and well in this country, as demonstrated by the public humiliation of a group of around 50 indigenous mayors, town councillors and community leaders in the south-central city of Sucre.

The incident, which shook the country but received little attention from the international press, occurred on Saturday, when President Evo Morales, an Aymara Indian, was to appear in a public ceremony in Sucre to deliver 50 ambulances for rural communities and announce funding for municipal projects.

But in the early hours of Saturday morning, organised groups opposed to Morales began to surround the stadium where he was to appear a few hours later. Confronting the police and soldiers with sticks, stones and dynamite, they managed to occupy the stadium.

The president cancelled his visit, and the security forces were withdrawn, to avoid violent clashes and bloodshed.

But violent elements of the Interinstitutional Committee, a conservative pro-autonomy, anti-Morales civic group that is backed by the local university and other bodies, continued to harass and beat supporters of the governing Movement to Socialism (MAS) and anyone who appeared to belong to one of the country’s indigenous communities.

A mob of armed civilians from Sucre, partially made up of university students, then surrounded several dozen indigenous Morales supporters, including local authorities who had come from other regions to attend the ceremony and were unable to leave the city after the event was called off.

The terrified indigenous people, who had sought refuge in a poor neighbourhood on the outskirts of Sucre, were stripped of their few belongings, including money, identity documents and watches, and forced to walk seven kilometres to the House of Liberty, a symbol of the end of colonial rule in Bolivia, which was declared there on Aug. 6, 1825.

In the city’s main square in front of the building, they were forced to kneel, shirtless, and apologise for coming to Sucre. They were also made to chant insults to Morales like "Die Evo!"

They were surrounded by activists from the conservative pro-autonomy movement, who set fire to the blue, black and white MAS party flag, the multicolour flag of the Aymara people, and colourful hand-woven indigenous ponchos seized from the visiting Morales supporters, as a signal of their "victory" over the president’s grassroots support bases.

Sucre Mayor Aideé Nava and the Interinstitutional Committee immediately apologised after the incident.

On Tuesday, Morales called on local and provincial officials in Sucre to bring those responsible for the racist incidents to justice.

Indigenous people in Bolivia have long suffered discrimination. They were not even allowed to vote until 1952, when the government of the Nationalist Revolutionary Movement (MNR) abolished "pongaje", a system of serfdom and forced labour under which native people in rural areas lived in semi-slavery conditions.

Bolivia, South America’s poorest country, is basically divided between the western highlands, home to the poor indigenous majority, and the much wealthier eastern and southeastern provinces, which account for most of the country's natural gas production, industry, agribusiness and gross domestic product. The population of eastern Bolivia tends to be of more European (Spanish) and mixed-race than indigenous descent.

The eastern Santa Cruz, Bolivia’s richest province, is at the vanguard of an autonomy movement that has caught on in six of the country’s nine regions. People in Santa Cruz voted in favour of regional autonomy in a May 4 referendum, and the eastern and southeastern provinces of Beni, Pando and Tarija will hold similar referendums in June.

Analysts say that underlying the autonomy movement, which is spearheaded by the rightwing business and political elites who governed Bolivia for decades, is the question of control and use of resources like natural gas, farmland, iron ore, water and forests.

The aim of the leftwing Morales administration is to distribute the revenues from the eastern provinces’ natural gas reserves and other sources of wealth more evenly, in order to improve the living conditions of the country’s indigenous people, most of whom live in appalling poverty.

According to governing party representatives and an independent analyst who spoke to IPS, Saturday’s incident has encouraged the government’s supporters to redouble their efforts to bring about structural changes aimed at eradicating inequality and discrimination.

"We are witnessing a backlash by the oligarchy," René Navarro, a MAS representative in the constituent assembly that is rewriting the Bolivian constitution, told IPS.

Navarro, who is from the southwestern province of Potosí, predicted further incidents of violence against indigenous people by the right.

Over the weekend, the main news in the print media was the cancellation of the president’s visit to Sucre. However, the beatings and public humiliation of Quechua Indians in the city were filmed and aired by a few TV stations, and the images drew indignant reactions.

The right, nevertheless, is attempting in the media to portray Saturday’s violence in Sucre as part of a government-fomented campaign aimed at further polarising the country along regional lines by social and indigenous groups that support the MAS.

But Navarro said that "Evo is indigenous and represents the country’s rural poor, and Saturday’s incidents are a blow to all citizens alike."

He said that what the government should do is publicise what it has achieved over the last two and a half years.

MAS lawmaker José Pimentel, a former leader of the country’s miners’ union, told IPS that it was urgently necessary to get the draft constitution approved in a referendum, with the support of the rural indigenous peasants in alliance with the urban poor.

Independent analyst Franco Gamboa, a sociologist by training, agreed that the only option open to the government is to continue forging ahead with the new constitution, the vote on which is being delayed by the autonomy referendums as well as plans for a recall referendum for Morales, his vice president, and the country’s nine provincial governors.

The aim of the new constitution, whose draft was approved by the MAS majority in the constituent assembly in a December vote that was boycotted by the rightwing opposition, is to create a unified but decentralised state that recognises Bolivia's cultural and ethnic diversity, while ensuring greater political participation and access to land and other resources by indigenous people.

But Gamboa also said the government should accept the results of the autonomy referendums in Santa Cruz, Beni, Pando and Tarija.

Juanita Ancieta, a leader of the Women’s Federation of the Trópico de Cochabamba, a coca-growing area, told IPS that "we are not going to allow them to divide Bolivia, and we are not going to sit back with our arms crossed, doing nothing."

Pimentel stressed that "the fact that Morales was elected as the country’s first indigenous president is not sufficient to do away with a racist, neo-colonial state, which is why it is important to reform the constitution."

Gamboa said the reaction of conservative groups in Sucre and the autonomy movements in Santa Cruz, Beni, Pando and Tarija reflect opposition to the greater political independence and expanded land rights that the new constitution would grant indigenous people, which would represent a challenge to the privileges enjoyed by the middle-class, landowning and business elites in power in the eastern provinces.

The new constitution would recognise greater autonomy for the provinces, municipalities and indigenous communities, while the anti-Morales provinces only want decentralisation at the municipal and provincial levels.

The events in Sucre confirm the need to destroy the "racist state," said Pimentel, who said a long struggle lies ahead to bring about changes among conservative sectors in terms of their attitudes and behaviour towards indigenous people.

The legislator said a social pact for reforming the constitution might be one feasible goal in the long road ahead to building a country where all ethnic and racial groups receive the same respect.

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Govt holds talks with NSCN-IM

NEW DELHI: Amid clashes between rival Naga rebel groups, the Centre today held a meeting with NSCN-IM to carry forward the ongoing peace process in Nagaland.

The meeting discussed the proposals submitted by both sides to find out an early amicable solution to the six decade old insurgency problem in the northeastern state.

"The meeting was held to asses the proposals in order to find out a formula which is acceptable to both sides," an NSCN-IM spokesman told the media.

The five-member Naga group was headed by senior NSCN- IM leader V S Atem while the government team was led by Special Secretary (Internal Security) in the Home Ministry, M L Kumawat.

The meeting also took stock of the prevailing situation in Nagaland where at least 20 people were killed following clashes between NSCN-IM and newly formed faction NSCN (Unification) and expressed concern over it, sources said.

There were some hiccups in the peace process but both sides expressed optimism to overcome them and carry forward the peace process, they said.

The NSCN-IM agreed to a ceasefire with the Centre in August 1997. Initially the ceasefire was renewed for one year till July 2005 when the rebels insisted for a six month extension which was again extended for another six months in February 2006.

However, in the talks held in Bangkok in July 2006, both sides have agreed to extend the true for one more year. Last July, at a meeting held in Dimapur, both sides agreed to extend the ceasefire for indefinite period. The two side have held numerous rounds of talks within India and abroad since 1997.

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Something better than 16 Point Agreement?

Challenge has been thrown again and again on Nagas that any political solution in future should be better than 16-point Agreement. What's better than 16 Point Agreement? What's so special about it?

There are points of argument between underground and over-ground leaders on the issue. Some over-ground leaders argue that, but for statehood the Nagas couldn't be at the helm of power and enjoying the fruit of development today. It saved the Nagas, they argued. On the other hand the underground leaders argued that, but for national struggle led by then, Naga National Council (NNC), Naga People's Council (NPC) couldn't have achieved anything. Both sides seem right in their own way. The fact however remains that at that point of time the N.P.C made a bargain of the sovereignty for statehood against the wishes of the Naga mass or at least, the freedom fighters.

Should Nagaland be destined to remain within the Union of India? The 16 Point Agreement was without any dispute a landmark achievement for Nagas. Else, Nagas might still have remained Naga Hills district in the State of Assam. It made a good bargain by protecting the Nagas from socio-cultural invasion and prevented the Nagas from the threat of complete submerge or sublimation. Without it, we might have lost our identity.

If however, Nagaland is pre-destined to become a sovereign State it betrayed the Nagas because it decided the fate of the Nagas prematurely. There will be people to argue that the interim agreement best suited the Nagas at that point of time. I would say the clauses in the agreement too suited that period of time. The need for review of the clauses is imperative giving the fact that they have outlived the applicability of their own time.

In its present form, 16 Point Agreement made the Nagas neither wholesome Nagas nor Indians. It left us in between. It protected the Nagas from some inherent customary rights but deprived the Nagas of many of the citizens' rights enjoyed by mainland Indians. Clause 7 (4) of the agreement protected the right of ownership and transfer of their land and its resources under Article 371 (A). But it denied the common man (Nagas) from availing any substantial credit facility on the pretext that our land can't be mortgaged.

Clause 16 (Inner Line Permit - 1873) that was aimed at protecting the Nagas from exploitation and submersion in fact further alienated the Nagas. It's true that, had it not been for this clause there could have been unprecedented infiltration from across the border or even by mainland Indians for various politico-socio-economic reasons. It prevented cross-border infiltration to some extent but at the same time it also denied genuine Indian citizens of their right to live and trade in any part of India; that is to say, if Nagaland is really considered an integral part of India.

The British-India legacy of Inner line regulatory (ILP) and Restricted Area Permit (RAP) systems still in force in the State further proved that 16 Point Agreement has outlived its time. Surprisingly, no real attempt was made to bring out new monitoring mechanism to suit the present time. These age-old regulatory systems strangulated the Nagas economically. Even some Indian citizens long living in the State and fed up of ILP renewal went so far as to confess that, either Nagaland is taken as Indian State in its entirety or leave it totally. These systems prevented Indian citizens to judiciously invest in Nagaland except for encouraging them to drain the State's economy. Else, do we have any big industrial house in the State?

Imposition of inhuman Acts like Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act 1958 and Disturbed Area Act in the State of Nagaland under whatever pretext further alienated the Nagas and proved that Nagas are not taken as equal citizens on equal footing.

Clauses 12 (Consolidation of Forest areas) and 13 (Consolidation of contiguous Naga Areas) were only wishes included for the sake of recording as it remains to be seen as far as the implementation of these clauses are concerned.

At best, 16 Point Agreement corrupted most Nagas in high places; made the rich richer and the poor poorer. The wonder and reality of sixteen point agreement and statehood was that it made a Naga, partially Naga and partially Indian. It made an Indian coming to Nagaland a second class citizen or a foreigner.

In sovereignty point of view, had it been translated into reality, nine point agreement placed the Nagas on better footing as it gave the option to Nagas to choose their own destiny on completion of ten years. The Nagas are fighting for sovereignty and the nationalists would agree with me (with due apology of the State's architects) that; to nationalists, something better than sixteen point agreement would only mean sovereignty and nothing less. Fact of the matter is that, whether it's statehood or sovereignty the Nagas are divided. That puts us in a situation then, that no durable solution for Nagas can be found without building a consensus between the underground and over-ground Nagas.

The 16 Point Agreement could have been a great achievement had the Nagas lived true to their commitment instead of pursuing the affairs for self-interest. Sadly, we have too many people preaching honesty after amassing public wealth by taking advantage of the statehood when majority of the Nagas were then ignorant. Corruption in high places ruined the Nagas. Instead of giving direction to the Nagas the reality of statehood compounded the Naga political problem because some people were busy making hay while the going was good for them.

The 16 Point Agreement and statehood became a blessing for only those who were within the reach. In general, it divided the Naga society into "haves" and "not haves". Hence, if not for political reason this great socio-economic divide will always be a cause for unrest.

The 16 Point Agreement might have been good to serve the purpose of its own time and generation. Yet, it's not good enough to serve the purpose of the present time. Sovereignty may seem untenable to some Nagas. But has the reality of statehood solved our problem? Giving the length of our struggle we certainly deserve better and more than what we have today should even sovereignty be delayed or denied.

Dr. K. Hoshi, Phek Town


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Mass rally by Tangkhul Naga Long

Imphal, May 27: Under the aegis of Tangkhul Naga Long (TNL), the frontal organisations of Ukhrul will organise a mass rally at Ukhrul tomorrow under the them, "Peace and reconciliation".

To ensure a peaceful passage of the mass rally and a public meeting to be held thereafter, the organisations have asked all to close down shops, offices, institutions and cease the movement of vehicles during the event, according to our Ukhrul Correspondent.



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Anger at extension of Suu Kyi's detention

TEN:Myanmar's military rulers have extended the five-year detention of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, prompting a chorus of international disapproval.
United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said the junta's decision was "regrettable."

"The sooner restrictions on Aung San Suu Kyi and other political figures are lifted, the sooner Myanmar will be able to move towards (being an) inclusive nation, reconciliation, the restoration of democracy and the full respect for human rights," Ban said.

U.S. President George W. Bush said he was "deeply troubled" about the decision.

"Aung San Suu Kyi's current house arrest dates back to May 2003, when she was detained following the murderous assault by regime-sponsored thugs on her motorcade in Depayin," Bush said in a statement.

"The United States calls upon the regime to release all political prisoners in Burma and begin a genuine dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi."

The UK Foreign Secretary, David Miliband, said: 'I was saddened, if not surprised, to learn that the Burmese Government has, once again, decided to extend the house arrest of Aung San Suu Kyi. Along with some 2,000 other political prisoners in Burma, Aung San Suu Kyi lost her freedom for simply expressing a desire to bring democracy to Burma."

Suu Kyi won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991. She has become the face of the pro-democracy movement in Myanmar and the focus of a global campaign to free her.

Suu Kyi is the daughter of the country's martyred independence leader, Gen. Aung San. Her National League for Democracy party is the country's largest legal opposition group, and it retains the loyalty of millions of citizens despite two decades of repression.

The junta has confined Suu Kyi in her home for 12 of the past 18 years. Her latest house arrest began in 2003 and has been renewed annually for the last five years.

It is unclear if Suu Kyi's confinement had been extended for six months or for a year as there were conflicting reports.

Because Myanmar's government exercises tight control of news within the country, exile groups are often the only source of information about what is happening inside.

Two exile groups -- Mizzima and the Democratic Voice of Burma -- said the detention was extended for six months but a government source, speaking on condition of anonymity told The Associated Press it was extended by 12 months.

Suu Kyi's lawyer, Jared Genser, said he did not know how long the confinement would be but he added any length of time would be illegal because Myanmar's law states Suu Kyi could only be held in confinement for five years.

"They should have released her or put her on trial," Genser said. "Their failure to do so not only flouts their own law but international law." Watch CNN interview with Suu Kyi's lawyer »

The country last held multiparty elections in 1990, but the regime rejected the result --a victory by Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party, Win said.

On Monday, Myanmar state media said that voters had overwhelmingly approved a draft constitution that strengthens the junta's rule.

State television station, MRTV4, reported that 92.93 percent of eligible voters approved the constitution in a referendum held Saturday.

New York-based Human Rights Watch said it had received indications that the referendum was conducted "in an atmosphere of official coercion and vote tampering."

The military government refused international or independent referendum monitors and United Nations assistance in conducting the voting, the group said.

The balloting was conducted in the middle of a humanitarian crisis in the Irrawaddy Delta and other regions devastated when Cyclone Nargis made landfall on May 2.

About 130,000 people either died or are missing, according to the United Nations, and more than 2 million have been rendered homeless.

Because of the disaster, the government postponed the original May 10 balloting in those cyclone-hit areas.

But voting did take place in other areas of the country and the government said those voters approved the referendum in equally overwhelming numbers: 92.48 percent.


The draft constitution makes way for general elections in 2010, but it has been met with skepticism from pro-democracy opposition leaders.

The changes grant 25 percent of parliamentary seats to the military and states that the president can cede power to the military during a state of emergency.




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Charity: Aid workers raping, abusing children

LONDON, England (CNN) -- Humanitarian aid workers and United Nation peacekeepers are sexually abusing small children in several war-ravaged and food-poor countries, a leading European charity has said.

Children as young as 6 have been forced to have sex with aid workers and peacekeepers in return for food and money, Save the Children UK said in a report released Tuesday.

After interviewing hundreds of children, the charity said it found instances of rape, child prostitution, pornography, indecent sexual assault and trafficking of children for sex.

"It is hard to imagine a more grotesque abuse of authority or flagrant violation of children's rights," said Jasmine Whitbread, chief executive of Save the Children UK. Watch a report on the abuse »

In the report, "No One To Turn To" a 15-year-old girl from Haiti told researchers: "My friends and I were walking by the National Palace one evening when we encountered a couple of humanitarian men. The men called us over and showed us their penises.

"They offered us 100 Haitian gourdes ($2.80) and some chocolate if we would suck them. I said, 'No,' but some of the girls did it and got the money."

Save the Children says that almost as shocking as the abuse itself is the "chronic under-reporting" of the abuses. It believes that thousands more children around the world could be suffering in silence.
According to the charity, children told researchers they were too frightened to report the abuse, fearful that the abuser would come back to hurt them and that they would stop receiving aid from agencies, or even be punished by their family or community.

"People don't report it because they are worried that the agency will stop working here, and we need them," a teenage boy in southern Sudan told Save the Children.

The charity's research was centered on Ivory Coast, southern Sudan and Haiti, but Save the Children said the perpetrators of sexual abuse of children could be found in every type of humanitarian organization at all levels.

Save the Children is calling for a global watchdog to tackle the problem and said it was working with the U.N. to establish local mechanisms that will allow victims to easily report abuse.

"We are glad that Save the Children continues to shed a light on this problem. It actually follows up on a report that we did in 2002 with Save the Children. I think every population in the world has to confront this problem of exploitation and abuse of children," said Ron Redmond, chief spokesman for the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in Geneva, Switzerland.

"The United Nations has a zero-tolerance policy. It's one that UNHCR takes very, very seriously. In refugee camps, we have implemented very strong reporting mechanisms so that refugees can come forward to report any abuses or alleged abuses."

In 2003, U.N. Nepalese troops were accused of sexual abuse while serving in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Six soldiers were jailed.

A year later, two U.N. peacekeepers were repatriated after being accused of abuse in Burundi, and U.N. troops were accused of rape and sexual abuse in Sudan.

Last year, the U.N. launched an investigation into sexual abuse claims in Ivory Coast.

The vast majority of aid workers were not involved in any form of abuse or exploitation but in "life-saving essential humanitarian work," Save the Children's Whitbread said.

But humanitarian and peacekeeping agencies working in emergency situations "must own up to the fact that they are vulnerable to this problem and tackle it head on," she said.

The aid agency said it had fired three workers for breaching its codes and called on others to do the same. The three men were dismissed in the past year for having had sex with girls aged 17, which the charity said is not illegal but is cause for loss of employment.

Other UK charities said they supported Save the Children's call for a global watchdog.

"Oxfam takes a zero-tolerance approach to sexual misconduct by its aid workers. All our staff across the world are held accountable by a robust code of conduct," said Jane Cocking, Oxfam charity's humanitarian director.

"We support Save the Children's calls for a global watchdog. We will do all we can to stamp out this intolerable abuse."


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PERU: Indigenous Organisations Aim for the Presidency

LIMA, May 27 (TEN): Peru’s indigenous associations are pursuing a political project of their own, and hope to win power in the 2011 presidential elections in order to defend their collective rights.

"We want a political instrument that is different from conventional parties. We are seeking a plurinational state that will include us," indigenous leader Miguel Palacín, the chief organiser of the May 13-16 People’s Summit in Lima, told IPS.

The meeting, carried out in parallel to the Fifth Latin American, Caribbean and European Union (EU-LAC) Summit, also coincided with the Second Indigenous Summit.

According to the 1993 census, indigenous people made up one-third of the Peruvian population. But more recent estimates put the proportion at 45 percent, with most of the rest of the population of 28 million being of mixed-race (mestizo) heritage, and around 15 percent of European descent.

The head of the National Confederation of Peruvian Communities Affected by the Mining Industry (CONACAMI), Mario Palacios, told IPS that a congress of indigenous leaders would be held in July or August. The goal, he said, is to "elect a Peruvian Evo Morales," referring to Bolivia’s indigenous president, who has become an icon for native organisations in the region.

Morales gave the closing speech at the People’s Summit.

The creation of a political arm was one of the main actions approved by six organisations, including CONACAMI, at the end of the Second Indigenous Summit, which was attended by representatives from Argentina, Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela.

The strategy announced in the meeting’s final declaration is to consolidate a national political project "in alliance with other social sectors."

Palacín, who presides over the Andean Coordinating Committee of Indigenous Organisations (CAOI), said that among the groups’ allies is the coca growers’ movement, headed by Nelson Palomino.

Palomino founded the National Association of Peruvian Coca Producers (CONPACCP), and a political party, Kuska (which means "united" in the Quechua language), whose support base is in the southern valley of the rivers Apurimac and Ene, where it won mayoral elections in seven municipalities.

The aim of Kuska’s supporters is to create a plurinational state that would recognise the country’s ethnic and cultural diversity. They also want to convene a constituent assembly to draw up a new constitution, following in the footsteps of Bolivia and Ecuador.

The new constitution, they say, should include the principles enshrined in the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 2007, and Convention 169 of the International Labour Organisation, which entered into force in 1991.

Convention 169 establishes a special protection system for original peoples, as well as consultation mechanisms for laws, production projects and policies that affect their development and territories. The indigenous organisations also want a management policy for territories and natural resources that will promote participation by the communities in decision-making, and respect their autonomy when allocating mining, oil or forestry concessions.

Another proposal at the indigenous summit was to re-negotiate free trade treaties with the United States and the European Union, because of their negative social impacts. These agreements have turned Peru "into a provider of commodities and a recipient of transnational capital for unlimited extraction of natural resources," the declaration says.

Palacín said it was imperative for the indigenous movement to organise politically, following the lead of neighbouring Andean countries. "We are an important force in the region. Peru, Ecuador and Bolivia are home to 50 percent of the region’s indigenous population," he said. Portuguese sociologist Boaventura de Sousa Santos, who delivered a lecture at the indigenous summit, said that "plurinationalism, as a political project, is the most important struggle for indigenous peoples in the region."

De Sousa said that "plurinationalism represents another conception of law and democracy, which may take three forms: representative, participative or community democracy. The latter (which is advocated by indigenous peoples) would amount to democratising democracy."

A country like Peru, which has a socially and culturally diverse population, must have "institutions appropriate to these differences," he said.

Ecuadorean indigenous leader Blanca Chancosa, the coordinator of the "Dolores Cacuango" Training School for Women Leaders, said indigenous people must seek "strategies for exerting influence and opening spaces" for participation, although she emphasised that it is also important to construct a broad agenda that includes other voices.

"Other sectors must be included, so that we think as a country and achieve the ‘re-founding’ of states," she told IPS.

Such a broad vision, said Chancosa, led to the creation of the Pachakutik political movement in her country. Indigenous people in Ecuador began to win seats in local government, and eventually in parliament and the constituent assembly.

This is the model sought for Peru, where the national indigenous organisations are proposing a quota system to ensure that their communities are represented in the legislature.

The mechanism proposed is "the creation of a special national electoral constituency, to ensure political participation of indigenous peoples and communities in the constituent assembly and Congress, which would elect 30 percent of the members of parliament," states a document of Peru’s indigenous movement.

The groups are also calling for "a special regional constituency for indigenous peoples and communities, which would elect 30 percent of the representatives on regional government councils. Similar arrangements would be made for representation at the municipal, provincial and district level."

This was the same path Bolivian indigenous peoples trod in the 1980s. They began by gaining representation in local governments and progressed to winning the 2005 presidential elections with Morales, the candidate for the Movement to Socialism (MAS).

However, some indigenous sectors in Bolivia do not regard Morales as their authentic leader, because in their view he basically represents the coca growers’ movement.

Tomás Huanacu, head of international relations for the National Council of Ayllus and Markas of the Qullasuyu (CONAMAQ), said that "authentic indigenous people defend their autonomy, and aren’t really convinced they should take part in the political structure of the state, because they’re against the system."

Ayllus are extended family communities typical of the Andean peoples, markas cover a wider area, while Qullasuyu refers to the Bolivian highlands.

In Chancosa’s view, it is time for the regional indigenous movement to evaluate its achievements and reframe its organisation in political terms.

"In Bolivia, for instance, indigenous people made slow progress and won representation, but the challenge now is to maintain and consolidate their project from a position of power. It’s not enough to win through to government if we’re not organised and haven’t enough support from the people and other sectors," she said.

The challenge is to achieve political power without sacrificing the essence of the indigenous movement, she said. "We cannot compromise. We have to demonstrate the firmness of our purpose," Chancosa said.

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Junta faces Aung San Suu Kyi deadline

YANGON, Myanmar (TEN) : Security was stepped up around detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's house Tuesday, as Myanmar's military junta faced a deadline to decide whether to release her or extend her house arrest for another year.

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A poster of Aung San Suu Kyi stands outside the National League for Democracy offices in Yangon in early May.

TENNobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained continuously since May 2003, has long been the symbol of the regime's brutality and the focus of a worldwide campaign that has lobbied for her release.

Her house arrest -- which has been renewed annually -- is believed to expire at midnight Tuesday, said Nyan Win, spokesman for her National League for Democracy party. With the regime saying nothing, there has been uncertainly about the exact expiration.

NLD members marched Tuesday from the party's headquarters to Aung San Suu Kyi's home when riot police shoved the group into a truck and detained more than a dozen.

It was not immediately clear where the truck was headed or exactly how many people were detained.

About 20 plain clothes police officers stood guard outside Suu Kyi's lakeside house, while six truckloads of riot police were on guard near NLD headquarters.

The ruling generals have given no sign they will release Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been confined for more than 12 of the past 18 years. Her latest period of arrest began in 2003.

The decision comes at a delicate time for the junta.

It already is facing international condemnation for the way it failed the relief effort, with more than half of the 2.4 million survivors of Cyclone Nargis still desperately needing food, clean water and shelter more than three weeks after the disaster.

And the law would seem to be on Aung San Suu Kyi's side. No one can be held longer than five years without being released or put on trial, said U.S. lawyer Jared Genser, hired by Aung San Suu Kyi's family to push for her release. But few expect her to be released, despite urging by both the United Nations and some members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.

"Their failure to abide by their own law by refusing to release (Aung San Suu Kyi) ... is a clear slap in the face to (U.N. Secretary-General) Ban Ki-moon and the ASEAN diplomats," Genser said earlier this week. "They are out of time to hold her under their own law."

Indonesian Foreign Minister Hassan Wirayuda called Tuesday for her release, saying it would be a way of thanking the international community for its generosity after the cyclone, which killed at least 78,000 people and left another 56,000 missing.

"I hope for the best but to be frank I'm not optimistic," he said.

Myanmar has been ruled by the military since 1962. The current junta seized power in 1988 and refused to honor the results of 1990 general elections that were won by Aung San Suu Kyi's party.


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Poumais refute NSCN(IM) statement

Senapati, May 27: The Poumai Naga Tribes demanded Phunthing Shimrang Chairman, Cease-fire Monitoring Cell, NSCN (IM) to clarify on an allegation he made that "the members of the new outfit (UNCP) are from the Poumai Naga tribe," who Shimrang said, had been misled by some vested interests to undermine the Naga political issue by confusing innocent nagas" under the headline `NSCN-IM Puts up brave front` carried in The Telegraph recently.

The Poumai Masou Me ( PMM) today demands clarification from Phunthing Shimrang for the baseless and ungroundless allegation on the Poumai tribe.

The release said the Poumai Naga tribe has always been a sincere and fullest supporter of the integration of the Nagas since the inception of the Naga movement, and objects strongly to the allegation against the tribe.

The Poumai Union questioned the Shimrang as to why NSCN(IM) has been remaining mere spectators and keeping silent till date when the formation of the splinter organisation with the aim to `promote peace and harmony between the hills and valleys in Manipur," has become public.

It asked why the NSCN(IM) is now throwing all the blames on the Poumai Naga tribe for the responsibility of the formation of the new unknown outfit.

The PMM strongly refuted the allegation and asks Phunthing Shimrang to clarify in the papers on what ground and evidence that the members of the new outfit (UNPC) are from the Poumai when Poumai community has not known or heard of the existence of such outfit in the district.

Is he sure that no Tangkhul have joined the UNPC? it further asked.

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UNPC takes harsh stand against Naga apex bodies

IMPHAL, May 26: The United Naga People`s Council, UNPC has strongly reacted against the 16 apex Naga bodies led by the UNC claiming that UNPC is known to the Nagas and purported formation of this council is the handywork of the enemies of the Nagas and is designed to create confusion in the minds of the Naga people.

The secretary general of UNPC, Lansa during a press conferecne somewhere in Senapati district this morning mentioned that these 16 Naga bodies in Manipur led by the UNC and ANSAM are frontal organisations of the NSCN(IM) who have been encouraging bloodshed amongst the Nagas.

The UNPC spokesman further said nobody in the Naga inhabited region could deny that these 16 Naga apex organisations operating in Manipur are not frontal organizations as well as mouthpiece of the NSCN(IM).

The spokesman further said that it was very unfortunate on the part of these apex civil organisations to comment through the media on the UNPC without fully understanding the real objectives of the UNPC.

The UNPC is really committed to restoration of peace and harmony among the Nagas. The council is also firm in its belief that peace and harmony will never be restored until there is understanding between the different communities settling in Manipur since time immemorial, they said.

As a result the UNPC was formed to achieve a true revolutionary ideology to bring to a common platform for the different ethnic communities who have been staying in the region and any opposition of this ideology would be treated as reactionary they said.

He further said that it was very shameful for the 16 Naga civil organisations to have been working under the directive of the NSCN(IM) to encourage bloodshed among the Nagas despite the self proclaimed principles forgive and forget theory the NSCN(IM) supposedly upholds and announced openly before the people.

The council further asked as to why the NSCN(IM) despite claiming such high philosophy was involved in inciting killings among Nagas like those at Dimapur currently.

The spokesman also mentioned that mobilisation of the Naga public by the 16 Naga apex organisations including students and women`s bodies for not lending cooperation to the UNPC under strong directives from the NCSN(IM) had sown the seeds for a major civil war in the state amongst the Naga people, and as a matter of fact, the UNPC in order to prevent further misunderstanding amongst the Naga people in the state would impose capital punishment on different representatives of these 16 apex organisations of Nagas including United Naga Council, UNC, Naga Women`s Union Manipur, Naga People`s Movement for Human Rights, Zeliangrong Boudi, Manipur, Assam and Nagaland, Chandel Naga People`s Organisation, Tangkhul Naga Long, Maring Naga Hoho, Chothe Naga Hoho, Anal Naga Hoho, Lamkang Naga Hoho, Moyon Naga Hoho, Naga Students Union Chandel, Poumai Students Union and Tangkhul Students Union.

The spokesman on behalf of the UNPC appealed to all village elders and chairmen of Naga villages and church leaders in the state to give cooperation to the UNPC if they really loved the Naga people and if they wanted true peace of mind.



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South Naga organizations rebuff existence of UNPC

Dimapur, May 25 (TEN): In a bid to clear the confusion over the purported formation of another NSCN (IM) breakaway group in Manipur, sixteen Naga organizations based in Manipur have declared that there is no group called United Naga Peoples’ Council (UNPC) constituted by the Nagas of Manipur.
The Naga organizations in a joint press release, while advising every Naga not to associate with the group in any manner whatsoever, asserted that the purported formation of UNPC is “the handiwork of the enemies of the Nagas” designed to create confusion in the minds of the people, “which some section of media have sensationalized.”
It has directed all tribal Hohos, frontal Organisations, women, students Organisation, Village Chiefs and churches “directed to come out in black and white immediately the presence or movement of any person or group masquerading as UNPC, further every Naga are advised not to associate with the group in any manner whatsoever.”
The United Naga Council also declared that it is the only apex organisation of all Nagas in Manipur and is not the frontal organisation of the NSCN (K) or NSCN (IM) or FGN or NNC.
The Naga organisations also stated that a “consultative meeting held on May 23 of Naga Tribe Hoho, frontal Organisations, Activists, Intellectuals and Students, inter alia, have taken strong observation on the threat perception as reported in the media to the Naga Social organization, UNC and ANSAM as direct challenge to the Naga people as a whole.” The sixteen organisations are the United Naga Council (UNC), Naga Women’s Union, Manipur (NWUM), NPMHR (South), ANSAM, Zeliangrong Boudi (AMN), Chandel Naga People’s Organisation, Tangkhul Naga Long, Maring Naga Hoho, Anal Naga Hoho, Chothe Naga Hoho, Lamkang Naga Hoho, Moyon Naga Hoho, Monsang Naga Hoho, Naga Students’ Union Chandel, Poumai Students’ Union and Tangkhul Students’ Union.
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Mani urges Rio on Naga integration

DIMAPUR, MAY 26 (TEN): Lok Sabha Member of Parliament of Outer Manipur, Mani Charenamei, in a letter to Nagaland Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio, urged Rio to lead an all-party delegation to the Centre to press for unification of Naga territories in the north east.
The letter dated May 10, 2008 reminded Nagaland Chief Minister of their discussion held at Nagaland House, Aurangzeb Road in the presence of Home Minister, Imkong Imchen, Planning Minister, T.R. Zeliang and Deputy Chairman Neiba Kronu on the matter. It pointed out that the society today was engulfed in unprecedented turmoil, confusion and disunity, which could be an entrapment so that “exploitation of our people and our rich natural resources could be carried out freely.” The MP said that they would later realize the mistake of not having understood and effectively countered the subtle plan of the “much clever people” who are trying to downplay, frustrate and foil the hard-earned peace negotiation.
Lok Sabha MP of Outer Manipur, Mani Charenamei says that at this juncture, it is imperative for all elected representatives of the Naga people and most importantly the Government in power in Nagaland, to shoulder the responsibility of the unification movement of Nagas. He said that previous governments of Nagaland had taken initiatives and passed four resolutions for the unification of Naga territories and added that time had now come “for all of us to take up the movement more vigorously and consistently till we are able to make the Centre deliver justice to the longstanding and rightful demand of the Naga people”.
As such he beseeched Rio to lead the all party delegation to the Centre to “convey the common aspiration of the Nagas to live under one administration and press for taking appropriate necessary steps for the integration of Naga territories”.

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Mother of Child Killed - Sichuan Earthquake


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Junta’s charter sails through referendum

YANGON, May 26 (TEN): Myanmar declared victory Monday for a military-backed constitution, pressing ahead with its political agenda despite the devastation caused by the cyclone that left 133,000 dead or missing. Though more than half of the 2.4 million people severely affected by the cyclone have not yet been reached by international aid, the ruling junta claimed nearly all of them cast a ballot.
“The suggestion that the areas affected by the cyclone got 93 percent turnout just highlights what a nonsense the process is,” said John Virgoe, Southeast Asia director for the International Crisis Group. “The way this has been done can’t in any way represent the true wishes of the people because it wasn’t a free and fair vote.” Cyclone Nargis pounded the country more than three weeks ago, destroying entire villages in the Irrawaddy Delta area in the country’s southwest and pounding the main city of Yangon.
Some 4.5 million voters in the cyclone zone were eligible to cast ballots Saturday in a second round of voting. State media said 93 percent turned out for the poll, with 92.93 percent endorsing the charter. A first round of voting had been held on May 10 in regions spared by the storm. Nationwide, state media said the constitution was approved by 92.48 percent, with a 98 percent turnout.
Myanmar ignored international calls to delay the referendum and those whose homes had been destroyed told AFP they were forced out of schools where they had sought shelter so classrooms could be used as polling stations. The few evacuees lucky enough to live in emergency shelters say authorities combed through the camps to register to vote everyone older than 18. The regime claims the constitution will pave the way for elections in two years, but democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s supporters say the charter will only entrench military rule.
The results were announced as the regime was believed to be preparing to extend the house arrest of Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been locked away for most of the last 18 years. The new constitution only takes effect once a parliament convenes, after elections promised for 2010. The charter bars Aung San Suu Kyi from running for office, and reserves 25 percent of seats in parliament for the military. The generals will also have broad powers to declare a state of emergency and seize direct control of the government.
The last round of voting was held on a weekend of intense diplomatic and political activity in this reclusive and impoverished nation. UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon spent three days here to press the regime to accept a full-scale cyclone relief effort - although he left the country on Saturday to avoid being in Myanmar during the balloting. The poll was held on the eve of an international donor conference that raised tens of millions of dollars in cyclone aid, and where participants carefully avoided mentioning politics in discussions.
“The attention’s been right off the referendum,” Virgoe said. “The generals were determined this constitution was going to happen and it happened. The question is now what happens next?” If the regime goes ahead with its election plan, Myanmar’s opposition and the international community would have to decide whether to work within the “deeply flawed” political process or write it off as unacceptable, he added.
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Nagaland has 64% untrained teachers

Kohima | May 24 : The SCERT today revealed that there are 64% untrained teachers in the state. Revealing that the NCTE has formulated a new recruitment policy which states that only trained teachers should be appointed in educational institutes, SCERT Director Vipralhou opined it would take years to train the untrained as the state has only few training institutes.
“However at the backlog 64% untrained teachers who are already appointed, if training is provided to them, it will take 50 to 60 years to clear up because we have only few training institutes” the director said while speaking at a workshop ‘developing study skills and psychological skills for better performance’ under the aegis of Indira Gandhi National Open University (IGNOU) here this morning at the National College of Teacher Education (NCTE).
In contrast with the poor percentage of trained teachers in the state, he said the Government of Nagaland took a decision to approach the NCTE for time concession for relaxation to condense the two-year training programme to six months. Stating that the NCTE has accordingly approved it just yesterday, he expressed confidence that untrained teachers would benefit from this. “3500 untrained teachers will be trained within three months time” he said.
According to the new recruitment policy, the minimum qualification for teachers to teach at pre-primary level will be 10+2 or two years pre-service degree or diploma in Early Childhood Education; for primary level it is 10+2 or 2 years pre service; for Upper Primary, it is graduate degree or higher; for Secondary level it is graduate with B. Ed while for Higher Education, it is post-graduate in the subject in concern, with B. Ed degree.
The director on the contrary also disclosed that the government has decided to take registration for professionally trained teachers who have done B.Ed/Ph.D/ECE/CPE and the like. “These professionally trained teachers will be given two months time to do registration in SCERT and on basis of merit, they will be appointed by the government as in when any vacancy arises,” he said.
“Study materials developed by IGNOU are of high quality” he said lamented that Naga students find difficulty due to it and added that the main objective for organizing this kind of workshop is to give optimum benefits to the students. IGNOU so far has 1.8 million students under it. It has 58 regional center and 1800 study centers in India. 35 countries are under IGNOU and have 138 programmes offering 1200 courses.
The inaugural programme was followed by discussion on various topics. The workshop was organized by IGNOU Regional Center-20, Kohima in collaboration with Staff Training and Research Institute of Distance Education (STRIDE), IGNOU, New Delhi and sponsored by Educational Development of North-Eastern Region Unit (EDNERU), IGNOU, New Delhi.


ASU scrutinizes Kohima schools


Dimapur, May 24 (MExN): Schools in Kohima have come under the Angami Students’ Union’s scrutiny following what the union said was the detection of ‘serious anomalies’ and “grievous inequality.” The ASU stated that findings in a research initiative by the union discovered serious anomalies in the school education system. In this regard it has called for an urgent meeting with range council educational secretaries of the union, executive council and education committees on May 31 from 10am.
“It has been discovered that there are some schools in Kohima town with more than 20-30 teachers and on the contrary, there are schools in the villages with only 2-3 teachers. This serious inequality is caused due to many bogus and unjustifiable appointments” the union stated through its educational secretary Sikho Tho-u. The ASU also observed that the excessive number of teachers in the town is “fundamentally” due to people who come from other districts ‘especially wives or close relatives of politicians and bureaucrats serving in Kohima.’ This systems, the union said, has grievously created an imbalance and lopsided state of education.
Further, the ASU said, teachers and students alike in the villages are facing innumerable problems due to shortage of teaching faculty. Viewing the matter seriously, the ASU assured to take it up at the earliest. The state government, VECS and all in concern are requested to extend support to the ASU’s initiative. The union may be contacted at 9856793591(convener of education committee) for details.

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